Hegel Knew: We Judge the Climb, Not the Summit
Competitive altruism is kindness used as a tool against a rival instead of for its own sake â help that buys allies, reputation, or an edge, while still looking exactly like generosity. A 2026 study of 103 women found this strategic kindness tracked Machiavellianism closely and showed up more toward other women than toward men, which is more or less what François de La Rochefoucauld argued back in 1665: that most virtue is vice wearing a disguise.
Hand 103 women a fifteen-item survey about using kindness on purpose â not once, but twice. Once asking how they act toward other women. Once asking how they act toward men. Then hand them a full battery of personality measures on top: Machiavellianism, the Big Five, social desirability, impression management. See what lines up with what. Thatâs the design behind Kill Them With Kindness: Preliminary Evidence for Womenâs Competitive Altruism, published Sep 9, 2026 in Frontiers in Psychology by Maryanne L. Fisher (Saint Maryâs University) and seven co-authors, covered Oct 1, 2026 by PsyPost and picked up the same week by Yahoo News.
The finding, in short: competitive altruism scored higher toward other women (2.58 average) than toward men (2.43), and the trait correlated strongly with Machiavellianism and negatively with agreeableness and social desirability. Women who rated themselves high on using kindness strategically also rated themselves more manipulative, more deceptive, more fake â and no warmer than anyone else. François de La Rochefoucauld never saw a Likert scale. He died in 1680, two hundred and ninety years before anyone built a questionnaire to measure Machiavellianism by name. But his Maximes, first published in 1665, open with a line this study reads less like a prediction and more like a footnote: âOur virtues are most frequently but vices in disguise.â
| Question | What we found |
|---|---|
| What was studied? | Whether women use kindness strategically toward rivals (âcompetitive altruismâ), and which personality traits predict it |
| Who ran it? | Maryanne L. Fisher (Saint Maryâs University) with researchers at Universidad de las AmĂ©ricas and Universidad del Desarrollo |
| Where and when? | Frontiers in Psychology, published Sep 9, 2026; covered Oct 1, 2026 by PsyPost and Yahoo News |
| Sample | 103 heterosexual cisgender women, ages 18â45, mostly from the UK, US, and Canada |
| Tool used | A new 15-item Competitive Altruism Survey (CAS), rated separately for behavior toward women and toward men |
| Core finding | Competitive altruism scored higher toward other women (2.58) than toward men (2.43) on a 1â5 scale |
| Personality link | Strongly positive correlation with Machiavellianism (r = 0.54); negative with Agreeableness and social desirability |
| What La Rochefoucauld already argued | Maximes (1665): âOur virtues are most frequently but vices in disguiseâ â generosity is often self-love, amour-propre, wearing a nicer coat |
The Quick Version
Competitive altruism is kindness used as a tool against a rival instead of for its own sake â help that buys allies, reputation, or an edge, while still looking exactly like generosity. A 2026 study of 103 women found this strategic kindness tracked Machiavellianism closely and showed up more toward other women than toward men. La Rochefoucauld said in 1665 that most of what gets called virtue is self-interest wearing a disguise. This study put a number on that claim: 0.54, the correlation between âI use kindness to get aheadâ and a personality trait literally named for the most famous description of calculated self-interest ever written.
The interesting choice here isnât the subject â people have suspected strategic niceness for centuries. Itâs the instrument. Most research on competitive altruism had focused on men, usually on conspicuous public generosity (tipping big in front of a date, say), and the handful of studies that included women produced results all over the map. So Fisherâs team built something new: the Competitive Altruism Survey, fifteen statements about using kindness tactically, each one asked twice. Once with âwomenâ as the target. Once with âmen.â That doubling is the whole design. It lets the same womanâs strategic-kindness score toward women be compared directly against her own score toward men, rather than against some other womanâs answers.
The audience gap held up statistically, not just as a rounding difference: 2.58 toward women versus 2.43 toward men, a difference the researchers report as significant (t(102) = 2.25, p = 0.026). Small in raw terms. Real all the same. And it points the opposite direction a naive guess might land on â if competitive altruism is a courtship tactic aimed at impressing men, youâd expect the score toward men to run higher, not lower. Instead, the sharper edge pointed at other women. Rivals, not targets of romantic interest, got the more calculated kindness.
The personality data is where the study gets its teeth. Competitive altruism correlated at 0.54 with Machiavellianism â a strong relationship by psychologyâs usual standards â and at â0.36 with Agreeableness, the trait most people would assume sits right next to âgenerous.â It also correlated negatively with social desirability (â0.36) and impression management (â0.46), which matters more than it sounds like it should: these women werenât just answering in a way designed to look good. If anything, admitting to strategic kindness ran against their instinct to look good on paper. And when the researchers asked participants to rate their own character traits, high scorers on competitive altruism called themselves more manipulative (r = 0.37), more deceptive (r = 0.33), more fake (r = 0.24), and less honest (r = â0.29) â while rating themselves no warmer, no kinder, no more generous than anyone else. The kindness was real enough to report. The warmth behind it wasnât.
La Rochefoucauldâs Maximes (1665) is a collection of several hundred short, aphoristic observations arguing that amour-propre â self-love, vanity, the drive to think well of oneself â sits underneath nearly every act that looks selfless from the outside. Generosity, loyalty, gratitude, friendship: he treats each as a transaction dressed up as a gift, not because people are uniquely wicked, but because self-interest is simply what the mind runs on, whether or not it tells itself the truth about that.
He wasnât subtle about where this leads. âSelf-love is the greatest of flatterers,â he wrote â the mindâs first and most devoted audience is itself. On friendship: âWhat men term friendship is merely a partnership with a collection of reciprocal interests, and an exchange of favours â in fact it is but a trade in which self love always expects to gain something.â And the maxim that reads like it was written for this exact study, three and a half centuries early: âWhat seems generosity is often disguised ambition, that despises small to run after greater interest.â Swap âambitionâ for âstrategic positioning against a rivalâ and youâve described the CASâs entire manipulation subscale.
La Rochefoucauld wasnât arguing that kindness is fake in the sense of never happening. He was arguing that the motive underneath it rarely matches the story we tell about it â generosity performed, consciously or not, in service of something the giver wants. Reputation. Allies. Standing. A debt the other person doesnât realize they now owe.
Hereâs where the study complicates the maxim rather than just confirming it, and thatâs the more interesting half.
La Rochefoucauldâs self-love was universal and ungendered â a feature of the mind, not of one sex. He had no occasion to ask whether strategic generosity gets aimed differently depending on who the target is, because the framework he was working in didnât carve the world up that way. This study did, and found something his generalized cynicism doesnât predict on its own: the sharper edge of competitive altruism pointed at other women specifically, not at men, and not evenly in all directions. The researchers also found that Machiavellian women were more likely to attribute strategic kindness to other women than to men â meaning the same trait that predicts using the tactic also predicts expecting it, but asymmetrically, with other women as the presumed audience and the presumed rival at once.
Thatâs not a small footnote. It suggests amour-propre doesnât just sit in the individual mind calculating advantage in the abstract â it gets routed through something more specific: same-sex social competition, the kind evolutionary psychologists would call intrasexual. La Rochefoucauld diagnosed the engine. He didnât have the tools, or the framework, to ask where the engine pointed its exhaust.
The connection isnât âa seventeenth-century nobleman predicted a 2026 personality study.â Itâs narrower than that, and it holds up better for being narrower: La Rochefoucauldâs specific claim was that generosity frequently operates as self-interest in a more presentable costume. This study measured a specific, nameable version of that costume â kindness aimed at rivals, correlated with a trait literally named after calculated self-interest â and found the relationship exactly where the maxim said to look.
It connects directly to Rousseauâs account of amour-propre â the kind of self-regard that only exists in relation to what other people think of you. Rousseau and La Rochefoucauld disagreed about whether amour-propre was avoidable; they didnât disagree about what it does. Competitive altruism, as this study measured it, is amour-propre with a clipboard: kindness performed because an audience is present to register it as kindness.
It sits close, too, to Goffmanâs account of the self as a performance â the idea that so much of social behavior is staged for whoeverâs watching, âfront stageâ conduct distinct from what happens once the audience leaves. The CASâs public-display subscale is almost a direct measurement of Goffmanâs front stage: kindness that knows itâs being observed, and adjusts accordingly.
Thereâs a sharper fit in Sartreâs account of bad faith, the self-deception that requires already knowing, at some level, the thing youâre hiding from yourself. A woman scoring high on competitive altruism isnât necessarily lying when she calls her kindness generosity â she may believe it fully. Sartreâs bad faith and La Rochefoucauldâs self-love describe the same trick from different angles: the motive is there, doing its work, while the story being told about the motive is something nicer.
And it rhymes with Beauvoirâs account of the unpaid social labor placed on women â the expectation that women manage relationships, warmth, and social maintenance as a kind of job. If kindness is partly expected of women as labor, it isnât a surprise that some of that labor gets put to strategic use. The expectation doesnât create the self-interest. It just hands self-interest a socially acceptable disguise to wear.
Itâs worth being precise about the size of this, because the framing invites more confidence than the data earns.
103 women is enough to find a correlation, not enough to call it settled. The CAS is a brand-new instrument. The authors themselves call this âpreliminary evidenceâ in the paperâs own title â thatâs not false modesty, itâs the accurate description.
The sample was heterosexual, cisgender women, ages 18 to 45, overwhelmingly from the UK, US, and Canada, well-educated (nearly two-thirds held a bachelorâs degree or higher). Whether the same pattern holds for queer women, non-Western cultures, or different age brackets is a separate, untested question.
The study found Machiavellianism and competitive altruism move together. It didnât manipulate either one. A strong correlation tells you the traits travel as a pair in this sample â it doesnât tell you Machiavellianism causes the strategic kindness, or that the kindness causes anyone to become more Machiavellian over time.
Every measure here â the CAS, the Machiavellianism scale, the self-rated traits â came from the same women describing their own behavior and character. Thatâs a reasonable way to test whether people recognize and admit to strategic kindness in themselves. It isnât a behavioral measure of what they actually do when a rival is in the room.
La Rochefoucauld never ran a correlation and never heard of Machiavellianism as a named, measurable trait â the word existed in his century, the construct didnât. He had a court full of nobles performing loyalty and generosity for advantage he could see plainly and describe precisely, three hundred and sixty-one years before anyone built a survey to put a number on it. The number came in at 0.54. Kindness toward a rival scored higher than kindness toward anyone else. Self-love, it turns out, still runs the operation. It just learned to smile while doing it.
This post discusses a 2026 study published in Frontiers in Psychology and François de La Rochefoucauldâs 1665 Maximes. The studyâs findings come from 103 heterosexual cisgender women, primarily from the UK, US, and Canada, using a newly developed survey instrument â they describe correlations within that sample, not a causal account of why kindness happens, a measure of actual behavior toward real rivals, or a claim about men, other age groups, or non-Western populations.